A blog about measurement, creativity and communications planning. More...

How not to improve social mobility

January 22nd, 2009 | Tags: | 4 Comments

The government has a new white paper on social mobility. It’s largely fairly sensible and well researched, but the recommendation that’s caused the biggest splash is for a commission, to be led by Alan Milburn, to tackle perceived barriers preventing children from poor families getting a fair crack of the whip at entering top professions: law, medicine, that sort of thing. Predictably, the Guardian loves it, and the Telegraph hates it.

I think it’s hugely misconceived and will be damaging to children from poor families. Here’s why.

On intergenerational mobility, for a long time the standard claim has been that it is declining in Britain. This comes from comparison of the data on the links between parents’ and children’s income/educational attainment from two longitudinal studies, the National Child Development Survey (started 1958) and the British Cohort Study (started 1970). The later study showed lower
intergenerational mobility (aka social mobility) than the earlier (link).

Problem is, it’s not necessarily true – the longitudinal studies are necessarily always based on pretty old data. Some recent boffinry has suggested that the decline is not ongoing. However, it hasn’t reversed.

In short, the big determiner of your earning power is your level of education, and that’s pretty consistent between studies. What’s changed is the relationship between your parents’ earning power and your likely educational attainment, which has become stronger – if your parents are rich, you’re more likely to do well at school, more likely to enter high education and more likely to get a degree, and that means you’re more likely to be rich than a comparably intelligent child from a poorer family. The expansion of higher education over the last thirty years has been of disproportionate benefit to affluent middle-class families, with relatively little increase in uptake by young people from poor families.

The evidence suggests that the best way to increase social mobility (or, to put it another way, to decrease the strength of the intergenerational income/education correlation) would be to target investment to improve the likelihood of young people from poor families entering and staying in higher education. This is a huge job, as it involves tackling some pretty entrenched anti-achievement cultures (one of the defining features of poverty traps) and trying to give kids from poor families whose parents don’t care about education the same will to succeed as kids from rich families with parents who really care. This, bluntly, is why spending more public money on some children’s educations than on others is fair, and not unfair as it seems. It’s not a declaration of war on middle-class families; it’s trying to give poor kids the same support that middle-class kids get at home anyway. This is not exactly the rampage of socialism it’s made out to be. Yes, it’s a shame that there are some families who don’t give a damn about their kids’ futures so the government has to bail them out, but the roots of the problem usually go back through generations of neglect, and the alternative is to admit that you’re happy to see some kids fail because of who their parents are. And if you admit that, you might as well just build a wall round the sink estates and turn on the hose.

Which is where the new white paper comes in. The commission idea is half-naked electioneering, basically, and clearly an underlying bugbear of the Prime Minister’s: people are calling it, not unfairly, the ‘Laura Spence agenda’. The problem is, haranguing the professions because a lot of their working practices look particularly alien to kids from council estates will only annoy the professions (as it annoys Oxbridge, who put phenomenal effort into targeting kids from non-traditional backgrounds) and not get you very far. Top professions will continue to employ people with top qualifications, and these are disproportionately white, from middle-class parentage, and often privately-educated. All it does is remind people that the Shadow Cabinet is stuffed with Etonians, barristers and other assorted Tory Boys. And maybe that’s all it’s meant to do.


4 Comments on “How not to improve social mobility”

  1. 1 Richard Holden said at 10:15 pm on January 22nd, 2009:

    Mmm, nice new look!

  2. 2 Alex said at 10:25 pm on January 22nd, 2009:

    @Richardholden Thanks. Not my design, sadly. Might actually try to write more stuff in this one…

  3. 3 Craig said at 1:23 am on January 23rd, 2009:

    Yes, and yes. Everything I think about education policy is pretty much in this. Government instructions about how employers should see students never work. The last 30 years of vocational education reforms testify to that – you can’t just say that a one qualification, however branded, is equivalent to another, when there are easily observable differences between two students.

    There is so much that could be done, though the effects of meaningful reform may take twenty years to be observed, far beyond any electoral cycle. I believe education can level the playing field. I’ve just not seen anything that suggests its going to happen soon. In fact, recent market-based reforms are likely, in that same time frame, to have the opposite effects – as some schools flourish while others fail, it will be the children from wealthier backgrounds who will have the means and parental inclination to travel to better schools, while a generation of children from poorer backgrounds with parents who value education less will be left in the worse ones.

  4. 4 Common Parlance » Blog Archive » Fair access to the professions said at 12:22 pm on July 23rd, 2009:

    [...] Unleashing Aspiration. One of its central arguments (which, alarmingly, seems to have been in place since before the panel was set up), is that ’social mobility into professional careers has slowed’, and that ‘if [...]


Leave a Reply